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The New New Labour

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The New New Labour

Post  cyprussyd on 2017-06-10, 1:01 pm

Jeremy Corbyn plans alternative Queen's speech challenging May

Labour turnaround has cemented leader’s position and could prompt shadow cabinet rejig as views shift in parliamentary party

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 Jeremy Corbyn leaves Labour party headquarters on Friday morning. Photograph: Peter Nicholls/Reuters





Rowena Mason and Jessica Elgot
Friday 9 June 2017 18.42 BSTLast modified on Saturday 10 June 2017 09.14 BST
Jeremy Corbyn’s team is making preparations for an alternative Queen’s speech to challenge Theresa May’s right to govern, as the Labour leader emerged from the election strengthened by wins across the country.
The Labour leadership said it wanted to lay the foundations for a different kind of government, after Corbyn defied expectations to make net gains of 29 seats overall at the expense of Conservatives, the Scottish National party and Liberal Democrats.
Labour’s remarkable turnaround since the local elections showed Corbyn leading the party to the biggest increase in vote share since Clement Attlee’s 1945 victory, with about 40% of the total.

There will now be jostling for places in the shadow cabinet of an emboldened Corbyn, with former big hitters such as Ed Miliband and Lisa Nandy possible candidates for comebacks. “I suspect most people would serve now and if he’s serious about being prime minister he could put that team of all the talents together,” one MP said. But an aide suggested that the leader would remember those who had stayed loyal to him.

Some Labour MPs had been privately speculating about whether to rally round figures such as Yvette Cooper, Dan Jarvis and Chuka Umunna if the result had been bad for the party but they have had their immediate ambitions frustrated. Those considered disloyal during the campaign, such as Nia Griffiths, the shadow defence secretary, who challenged the position on Trident, could also find themselves out of a job.

Labour MPs agreed that the election had effectively cemented Corbyn’s position as leader of the party less than a year after he lost a no-confidence vote with 172 colleagues voting against him. 
While the party’s 261 seats left it short of the number needed to form a rainbow alliance with the Greens, SNP, Liberal Democrats, and Plaid Cymru, Corbyn said that he would present an alternative programme of government to May’s Queen’s speech, saying: “We will put forward our point of view, and we are of course ready to serve.”
In the hours after the result, some senior party figures publicly admitted they had been wrong to presume Corbyn could not appeal in marginals across England, after Labour took seats off the Tories in areas such as Bedford, Portsmouth, Peterborough and even Canterbury, which has been blue for more than a century.
Owen Smith, who lost a leadership challenge against Corbyn, said: “I was clearly wrong in feeling that Jeremy was unable to do this well and I think he’s proved me wrong and lots of people wrong and I take my hat off to him.”
When asked whether it was Corbyn’s or Labour’s policies that won the election, he said: “It has to be both. I don’t know what Jeremy’s got but if we could bottle it and drink it we’d all be doing very well.
“We were hearing people who hadn’t voted for a long while voting Labour yesterday evening, who were inspired by the policies – and, it has to be said, by Jeremy – to vote Labour last night.”
In a sign that Corbyn’s opponents were adjusting their view of his leadership, Wes Streeting, who has been one of his strongest critics in parliament, said Corbyn had shone in the campaign. “People saw Jeremy Corbyn at his very best,” he said.

“In spite of an advance in the number of seats Labour hold, we are still the second party and the vision in our manifesto won’t be realised for as long as we have a Conservative government. The Labour family has to come together now, look at what works and what didn’t and build an alternative that could win a general election,” he said, after building on his ultra-marginal majority to hold on in Ilford North. 
Several MPs said they believed it was May’s manifesto mistakes that allowed them to capitalise so effectively. Those errors, such as the cut to free school meals, support for the reinstatement of fox hunting and the dementia tax, immediately gave Labour MPs readymade attack lines.
“It looked like we were the ones who called the election,” Toby Perkins, MP for Chesterfield, said. He cited fox hunting as a particular error. “People started thinking, if she gets a landslide what won’t she do? Their entire campaign strap-line could have been ‘I dare you not to vote for me’. 
“Older voters realised the Tories were going to come after their house. It was such a non-Tory thing to do and we had something to say to everyone, especially older voters who were braced to vote Tory for their first time in their lives. The dementia tax brought them all straight back to us.”
Neil Coyle, who trebled his majority in Bermondsey and Old Southwark, said he believed Labour had been able to retain Corbyn-sceptic voters as well as enthusiasts. “People felt it was OK to vote Labour because they didn’t think he was going to be prime minister. I do think they thought it was a free hit to the Tories but that May would win.”
Other MPs emphasised that the party had gone backwards in some areas, such as the coal belt of the east Midlands, including Mansfield and North East Derbyshire. “It’s remarkable to have an election where Labour loses Mansfield but gains Canterbury,’ the MP said. 

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Facebook[url=https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=Jeremy Corbyn plans alternative Queen%27s speech challenging]Twitter[/url][url=http://www.pinterest.com/pin/create/button/?description=Jeremy Corbyn plans alternative Queen%27s speech challenging]Pinterest[/url]
 New Labour MP for Canterbury, Rosie Duffield is congratulated on her victory. Photograph: Andy Hall for the Observer
Many seats where the party lost ground were in this part of the country, with one party source describing them as places where Corbyn’s attitude to the Queen and the armed forces would have mattered.

Another in a marginal seat in the north of England said Labour still had “a bloody big headache ahead” and warned against “too much triumphalism by London remainers and Corbynistas” when there was still no majority for the party despite May’s dire campaign.
MPs in seats in the north and Midlands also cautioned some exuberant colleagues who have been briefing that May’s failure to get a majority meant staying in the single market would be back on the table. Many said they had promised voters in their Brexit-leaning seats that they would see through Brexit and would not back the continuation of free movement. 
The party will also be examining whether it was too cautious in its approach to seats, prioritising defending seats which ended up with massive majorities, such as Tooting or Hampstead and Kilburn, rather than pushing to win some that they had assumed were out of reach, such as Amber Rudd’s Hastings and Rye seat or Anna Soubry’s seat of Broxtowe. 
The party came within 300 votes of taking Soubry’s seat, but one source close to the campaign said the party had put in zero resources. “If we’d known what was happening, we could have won another 15 seats,” one source said. “If there is another election we know what to do.”

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Re: The New New Labour

Post  cyprussyd on 2017-06-10, 1:36 pm

Young people have spoken. And they said Jeremy Corbyn
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Young people have spoken. And they said Jeremy Corbyn | Rhiannon Lucy Cosslett
Many felt excluded by the political system until the Labour leader came along, offering something different – cool, honest and with supreme memeability
THEGUARDIAN.COM

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Jeremy Corbyn has prepared the electoral map to finish off the Tories

Post  cyprussyd on 2017-06-10, 2:18 pm

Jeremy Corbyn has prepared the electoral map to finish off the Tories


There has been an elephantine shift in British politics. Few saw it coming (though some of us did) but there is no doubt that it has happened. Rising like lions from slumber, the British people have endorsed Jeremy Corbyn’s political revolution and have upset the pundits, the establishment media and the British elite.
Against all odds the Labour Party has answered the questioning of its relevance. We have defied the odds without cosying up to Rupert Murdoch and without trying to outstrip the Tories on immigration. We have won seats we have not held for decades without pitting generation against one another and without dividing communities up. This is the new politics.
The result last night has undoubtedly changed the face of British politics. The Tories may have won the battle – for now – but it will be the Labour Party that wins the war. Having been mocked for engaging with non-voters and young people, Jeremy Corbyn has been rewarded for his efforts with a large turnout across both groups. Inspired by his message of hope, the people have called time on an establishment that has locked them out of the process for so long.
Corbyn’s unashamedly radical pitch to the British people and his promise to transform Britain must now form the basis of Labour’s future. Those of us who supported this platform have been vilified from day one as morons by an establishment commentariat that believed our programme for government could only lead to electoral catastrophe. They have all been proven wrong. Far from bringing about the destruction of the Labour Party, this manifesto has resurrected it.
It is true that the Conservative Party is the only one able to form a viable government on the basis of this result. But it is not over. Theresa May’s apparent deal with the DUP will fail. The Prime Minister who offered strength and stability will now enter into a coalition of chaos with a party, some of whose members have said they believe climate change is a myth and that LGBT people are “unnatural”.
For the Tory Party to have fought this campaign on the central smear that Jeremy Corbyn involved himself too heavily with the IRA, it is laughable that Theresa May has the nerve to now consider ruling with a party that has previously been endorsed by the Ulster Volunteer Force and the Ulster Resistance. In clutching at power, she will see what is left of her credibility unravel.
Theresa May is finished. The Labour victory in this election is the fact that we have now prepared the electoral map to finish the Tories. It is no longer a question of if Jeremy Corbyn can be prime minister, it is a question of when.
Six months into Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership I called him “one of history’s great opposition leaders”. They laughed, but they’re not laughing now.
Liam Young is a commentator for the IndependentNew Statesman, Mirror and others. 

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Re: The New New Labour

Post  cyprussyd on 2017-06-10, 9:41 pm

12 mins · 





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Theresa May 'Alone And Friendless' After Election Defeat, Says Former Aide
'She is pretty much a hostage to the Conservative Party.'
HUFFINGTONPOST.CO.UK

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Re: The New New Labour

Post  Hieronymus on 2017-06-10, 11:12 pm

This is my favourite article of the day and I love the overriding point that this was a victory for HOPE.

Over the last few weeks and months you all probably got bored with my banging on about my hopes for a Labour win. And I expect many of you thought I was crazy, in my respect and admiration for Jeremy Corbyn, but were too polite to say! But I have said many times I have always believed in the basic decency of British people (all human beings actually) and I am so happy that my faith was not misplaced and so many voted for a different approach to politics. I know we are not there yet, but we are close now and, in the words of the great Sam Cooke, "A change is gonna come" Very Happy

Despite all the smears and distortions, this was a victory for hope
Gary Younge


The big youth turnout in this election brought a reimagining of what politics might be and whose interests it might serve

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Illustration by Robert G Fresson  
@garyyounge
Saturday 10 June 2017 06.00 BST   Last modified on Saturday 10 June 2017 09.14 BST 

Hope, when given the encouragement and the space, can be a force more potent than despair. The leap of faith that it demands, in imagining a future that does not yet exist, leaves it prone to the disparagement of cynics. To act on that faith, to take that leap, necessitates risk. And inherent in all risk is the possibility of failure.
For far too long, cynicism has been the dominant force in British electoral politics, willing failure at every turn. When they saw large, engaged crowds, the political class and its stenographers in the media dismissed them. They did not appeal to people’s better nature because they assumed people did not have one.
Mistaking morality for naivety, they presumed that people were motivated solely by self-interest – in the narrowest and most venal sense – and could not be moved by principle. When you talked to them of passion, they responded with polls. When you argued for what should happen, they explained why it could not be. Insisting that politics is the art of the possible, they refused to entertain that we could create new possibilities.

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Corbyn defies doubters as Labour gains seats

On Thursday night, despite the bombing, the smears and the distortions, hope won. The fact that British politics is undergoing a fundamental realignment in which many of the old rules no longer apply should, for now at least, be settled. The electoral coalition that made Thursday night possible must be tended to and engaged if the project is not to atrophy. Having drawn new people to the polls, it must engage them in politics.
That would mean jettisoning what melancholic nostalgia remains for Blairism, and finding a way to reconnect with the movement that made this moment possible. This has been a long time coming.
“We are all capable of believing things which we know to be untrue,” wrote George Orwell. “And then, when we are finally proved wrong, impudently twisting the facts so as to show that we were right. Intellectually, it is possible to carry on this process for an indefinite time: the only check on it is that sooner or later a false belief bumps up against solid reality, usually on a battlefield.”
On Thursday night those false beliefs bumped against the solid reality of an election. Rarely has conventional wisdom been proved to be so unwise. Theresa May requested a mandate for a bad idea – a stronger negotiating position for a hard Brexit – and we were told she would win a landslide that would leave her unassailable.
She showed her hand, and the British public called her bluff. She now goes to Europe weaker, her political capital spent and her reputation diminished. The Tories are the largest party because they did not merely court the UK Independence party vote but effectively became Ukip – flag-waving small islanders writing rhetorical cheques their policies could never cash.
So much ink has been spilled on Labour’s woes that the parlous state of the Tories had, until this point, gone relatively unnoticed. David Cameron promised the EU referendum in order to placate the right wing of his party and hoover up Ukip support. He narrowly won the election, only to lose the referendum and his job.

May called this election in order to give herself the cushion she needed to clear up the mess her predecessor had made. She now has less of a cushion and more mess than ever. Subordinating the national interest to that of their own party, the wounds they caused were not merely self-inflicted: they have seriously damaged the country.
Jeremy Corbyn, meanwhile, sought a mandate for a good idea – the redistribution of wealth and power in the interests of a fairer society and a more balanced economy. We were told he would lead his party to calamitous defeat; he upped the vote share by 10%, and the seat count by 29, and his position as leader seems, for now at least, secured.
The huge youth turnout saved many of the jobs of those Labour MPs who have spent the past two years trying to deprive Corbyn of his job. Whatever insurrectionary impulses remained on Labour’s backbenches must, surely now, be tamed. Not because Corbyn is infallible – he has proved a far better campaigner than he has a leader – but because, more than ever, they have proven to be both counterproductive and woefully ineffective.
Labour’s turn away from neoliberal orthodoxies that have shaped it for the last two decades and towards a more redistributive social democratic agenda has been electorally vindicated.
It is primarily here that the hope resides: the reimagining of what politics might be, and whose interests it might serve. “I feel the world as stranger to me than I ever felt before,” said the renowned academic Stuart Hall, in 2007. “It’s when everyone is operating in so many of the same parameters that the only debate you can have is a sort of Swiftian debate – you know, shall we eat the children now or later on?” Those parameters have now been broadened.
One of the most important lessons, and one that goes beyond our borders, from this result is that there is a response to the multiple pathologies of xenophobia, racism and rabid nationalism, bequeathed by globalisation, that does not demand pandering to bigotry.
Beyond the young, Labour’s success was due, in no small part, to its ability to appeal to a sizable section of the Ukip vote that felt the party had abandoned it. It was not, it turned out, necessary to compete in the gutter for the xenophobic vote when they could appeal to the white working class with a programme of increased public investment that would lead to better schools and hospitals.
But more than Thursday night being a victory for any one party or leader, it was a defeat for hubris. It was a defeat for a Conservative party so assured of victory that it produced an uncosted manifesto, key sections of which it had to disown, and promoted a leader with such contempt for the public that she refused to debate with her rivals.
It was also a defeat for the parliamentary Labour party, which has shown contempt for its membership in determinedly undermining its elected leader.
Finally, this was a defeat for a punditocracy that has wilfully and consistently chosen not to try to understand this political moment but to lampoon it for its refusal to conform to the pundits’ narrow understanding of what it is and what it might be.
Ironically, it is thanks, in no small part, to their low expectations that Corbyn has emerged the victor even though his party has ended up 57 seats shy of the Tories. While it has cleared the ideological space for a debate about a range of progressive demands, it has fallen short of creating the political space to deliver on them.
“Fortunately there is that about hope,” Maya Angelou once told me. “It is never satisfied. It is met, sometimes, but never satisfied.”
Those who made the leap did not do so for the pure joy of it. The sense of euphoria among elements of its base on Friday morning was almost indistinguishable from relief. They had expected worse. A disaster has been averted, but victory has not been achieved.
Labour did not win. But hope did.

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Re: The New New Labour

Post  cyprussyd on 2017-06-10, 11:25 pm

Hieronymus wrote:This is my favourite article of the day and I love the overriding point that this was a victory for HOPE.

Over the last few weeks and months you all probably got bored with my banging on about my hopes for a Labour win. And I expect many of you thought I was crazy, in my respect and admiration for Jeremy Corbyn, but were too polite to say! But I have said many times I have always believed in the basic decency of British people (all human beings actually) and I am so happy that my faith was not misplaced and so many voted for a different approach to politics. I know we are not there yet, but we are close now and, in the words of the great Sam Cooke, "A change is gonna come" Very Happy

Despite all the smears and distortions, this was a victory for hope
Gary Younge


The big youth turnout in this election brought a reimagining of what politics might be and whose interests it might serve

[You must be registered and logged in to see this image.]
Illustration by Robert G Fresson  
@garyyounge
Saturday 10 June 2017 06.00 BST   Last modified on Saturday 10 June 2017 09.14 BST 

Hope, when given the encouragement and the space, can be a force more potent than despair. The leap of faith that it demands, in imagining a future that does not yet exist, leaves it prone to the disparagement of cynics. To act on that faith, to take that leap, necessitates risk. And inherent in all risk is the possibility of failure.
For far too long, cynicism has been the dominant force in British electoral politics, willing failure at every turn. When they saw large, engaged crowds, the political class and its stenographers in the media dismissed them. They did not appeal to people’s better nature because they assumed people did not have one.
Mistaking morality for naivety, they presumed that people were motivated solely by self-interest – in the narrowest and most venal sense – and could not be moved by principle. When you talked to them of passion, they responded with polls. When you argued for what should happen, they explained why it could not be. Insisting that politics is the art of the possible, they refused to entertain that we could create new possibilities.

[You must be registered and logged in to see this image.]
Corbyn defies doubters as Labour gains seats

On Thursday night, despite the bombing, the smears and the distortions, hope won. The fact that British politics is undergoing a fundamental realignment in which many of the old rules no longer apply should, for now at least, be settled. The electoral coalition that made Thursday night possible must be tended to and engaged if the project is not to atrophy. Having drawn new people to the polls, it must engage them in politics.
That would mean jettisoning what melancholic nostalgia remains for Blairism, and finding a way to reconnect with the movement that made this moment possible. This has been a long time coming.
“We are all capable of believing things which we know to be untrue,” wrote George Orwell. “And then, when we are finally proved wrong, impudently twisting the facts so as to show that we were right. Intellectually, it is possible to carry on this process for an indefinite time: the only check on it is that sooner or later a false belief bumps up against solid reality, usually on a battlefield.”
On Thursday night those false beliefs bumped against the solid reality of an election. Rarely has conventional wisdom been proved to be so unwise. Theresa May requested a mandate for a bad idea – a stronger negotiating position for a hard Brexit – and we were told she would win a landslide that would leave her unassailable.
She showed her hand, and the British public called her bluff. She now goes to Europe weaker, her political capital spent and her reputation diminished. The Tories are the largest party because they did not merely court the UK Independence party vote but effectively became Ukip – flag-waving small islanders writing rhetorical cheques their policies could never cash.
So much ink has been spilled on Labour’s woes that the parlous state of the Tories had, until this point, gone relatively unnoticed. David Cameron promised the EU referendum in order to placate the right wing of his party and hoover up Ukip support. He narrowly won the election, only to lose the referendum and his job.

May called this election in order to give herself the cushion she needed to clear up the mess her predecessor had made. She now has less of a cushion and more mess than ever. Subordinating the national interest to that of their own party, the wounds they caused were not merely self-inflicted: they have seriously damaged the country.
Jeremy Corbyn, meanwhile, sought a mandate for a good idea – the redistribution of wealth and power in the interests of a fairer society and a more balanced economy. We were told he would lead his party to calamitous defeat; he upped the vote share by 10%, and the seat count by 29, and his position as leader seems, for now at least, secured.
The huge youth turnout saved many of the jobs of those Labour MPs who have spent the past two years trying to deprive Corbyn of his job. Whatever insurrectionary impulses remained on Labour’s backbenches must, surely now, be tamed. Not because Corbyn is infallible – he has proved a far better campaigner than he has a leader – but because, more than ever, they have proven to be both counterproductive and woefully ineffective.
Labour’s turn away from neoliberal orthodoxies that have shaped it for the last two decades and towards a more redistributive social democratic agenda has been electorally vindicated.
It is primarily here that the hope resides: the reimagining of what politics might be, and whose interests it might serve. “I feel the world as stranger to me than I ever felt before,” said the renowned academic Stuart Hall, in 2007. “It’s when everyone is operating in so many of the same parameters that the only debate you can have is a sort of Swiftian debate – you know, shall we eat the children now or later on?” Those parameters have now been broadened.
One of the most important lessons, and one that goes beyond our borders, from this result is that there is a response to the multiple pathologies of xenophobia, racism and rabid nationalism, bequeathed by globalisation, that does not demand pandering to bigotry.
Beyond the young, Labour’s success was due, in no small part, to its ability to appeal to a sizable section of the Ukip vote that felt the party had abandoned it. It was not, it turned out, necessary to compete in the gutter for the xenophobic vote when they could appeal to the white working class with a programme of increased public investment that would lead to better schools and hospitals.
But more than Thursday night being a victory for any one party or leader, it was a defeat for hubris. It was a defeat for a Conservative party so assured of victory that it produced an uncosted manifesto, key sections of which it had to disown, and promoted a leader with such contempt for the public that she refused to debate with her rivals.
It was also a defeat for the parliamentary Labour party, which has shown contempt for its membership in determinedly undermining its elected leader.
Finally, this was a defeat for a punditocracy that has wilfully and consistently chosen not to try to understand this political moment but to lampoon it for its refusal to conform to the pundits’ narrow understanding of what it is and what it might be.
Ironically, it is thanks, in no small part, to their low expectations that Corbyn has emerged the victor even though his party has ended up 57 seats shy of the Tories. While it has cleared the ideological space for a debate about a range of progressive demands, it has fallen short of creating the political space to deliver on them.
“Fortunately there is that about hope,” Maya Angelou once told me. “It is never satisfied. It is met, sometimes, but never satisfied.”
Those who made the leap did not do so for the pure joy of it. The sense of euphoria among elements of its base on Friday morning was almost indistinguishable from relief. They had expected worse. A disaster has been averted, but victory has not been achieved.
Labour did not win. But hope did.

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Re: The New New Labour

Post  cyprussyd on 2017-06-11, 12:17 pm

Confident Corbyn posts six point lead over Tories as pressure mounts on May to go




11TH JUNE, 2017 10:08 AM
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Labour has registered a six point lead over the Tories, according to a fresh poll that suggests most Britons would like to see Theresa May resign.
Days after the 2017 general election, Labour could expect 45 per cent of the vote were an election held tomorrow, and the Tories 39 per cent.
The research by Survation – which came closer than other pollster to predicting the result of Thursday’s vote – also suggests that half of voters, 49 per cent, think May should resign as prime minister, 38 per cent believe she shouldn’t and 13 per cent don’t know.
More voters disapprove of May’s deal with the DUP than agree with it, with just under half – 47 per cent – disapproving. A third of Britons agree with it, and one in five, 20 per cent, aren’t sure. The PM was forced to make an informal agreement with the socially conservtive Northern Irish party in a bid to hang on in Downing Street.
Those surveyed believe that the SNP’s heavy losses in Scotland make the prospect of a second referendum on independence less likely, with 55 per cent thinking taking this view. Just 15 per cent believe it is more likely, 17 per cent think it hasn’t made it more or less likely and 13 per cent are unsure.
A coalition involving Labour, the SNP, Lib Dems and Caroline Lucas of the Green party is more popular than the Tory-DUP coalition amongst the voters – 39 per cent approving of this theoretical “progressive alliance” and 47 per cent disapproving, and 15 per cent unsure.
The DUP-Conservative coalition has approval of just 35 per cent of those surveyed, 49 per cent disapproving and 17 per cent unsure.
Conservatives: 39 per cent
Labour: 45 per cent
Lib Dems: 7 per cent
UKIP:  3 per cent
Others: 6 per cent

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cyprussyd
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Senior Member(Top Cat)

Posts : 41692
Join date : 2012-07-31
Age : 68
Location : Durham

http://www.sunderlandmad.com

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Re: The New New Labour

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